We witnessed a live streamed genocide in Gaza. We saw the bodies of children hanging on fences and babies shot in the head. Parents losing the soul of their souls. We must ask ourselves how this can be possible. How can this kind of violence exist? Let alone be justified?
It happens with the full consent of our politicians. They are not misinformed. These politicians know better than you and me—better than all of us—the extent of the suffering and destruction in Palestine. And they know something else:
Normalizing the violence in Palestine is necessary in order to import this violence here.
These same politicians in Germany and America also know the role Palantir plays in the genocide. Palantir also openly admitted that its technology kills people in Gaza:
“Mostly terrorists,” as Palantir’s CEO admitted.
But who is a terrorist and who is not? Who deserves to live and who does not? Over 70,000 people killed. Mostly women and children. Genocide.
The same platform is used by ICE to decide who belongs and who does not. Who stays and who is removed.
Over 2 million people deported in the first 250 days of the Trump administration.
We have to ask: why did the Baden-Württemberg state pay 25 million euros to bring Palantir into the police? For Palantir’s surveillance and AI platform?
To help decide who is a “problem in the Stadtbild”?
Who is a “dangerous migrant”?
Who is an “antisemite”?
The reason we do not feel safe in Germany is because we know:
The violence in Gaza, in Sudan, in Congo is what normalizes the violence here.
The fascists of today no longer wear brown shirts. They wear blue (police) uniforms.
Palantir sits at the intersection of our struggles: against surveillance, against capitalism, against Zionism, against racism, against police violence and against deportations.
Alone, we cannot do much against these systems of oppression—but together we have a chance. As long as borders exist, our freedom here is a privilege.
From Gaza to Sudan. From Congo to Ecuador. From Brazil to the West Bank.
For justice.
For Lorenz, for Rahma, for Nelson.
For Hanau. For Solingen.
Get organized. On 13th december we are planning demonstrations throughout Baden-Württemberg against Palantir.
Israel hat in Gaza Völkermord begangen, und Deutschland ist mitschuldig. In einem jüngsten Vortrag zeichnete Dr. Shir Hever die materiellen Verflechtungen nach, die die deutsche Wirtschaft an die israelische Kriegsmaschinerie binden. Im Mittelpunkt standen vier zentrale Akteure: Rheinmetall, TU München, Deutsche Bank und HeidelbergMaterials. Zudem hob er die Rolle von Palantir hervor, das Massenüberwachung, Repression und damit Gewalt ermöglicht.
Die deutsche Mitverantwortung reicht weit über diese Beispiele hinaus. Sie durchzieht die gesamte Ökonomie: von gewerkschaftlichen Beziehungen zur Histadrut, über zivile Firmen wie JobRad, die lockere Partnerschaften mit Rüstungsunternehmen wie Elbit Systems pflegen, bis hin zu Forschung an der TU München, die in militärische Anwendungen einfließt und schließlich von Israel eingesetzt wird. Es handelt sich nicht um Einzelfälle, sondern um Bausteine einer systemischen Unterstützungsstruktur.
Entscheidend, so Dr. Hever, beruhen diese Beziehungen auf einer Wette: dass Israel auf absehbare Zeit ein „stabiler“ Schuldner und Ordnungsmacht bleibt. Doch Völkermord lässt sich nicht „normalisieren“. Selbst wenn die deutsche Industrie den Schein des business as usual wahrt, kann diese Fassade nur begrenzte Zeit halten. Sobald Zweifel an Israels Fähigkeit aufkommen, seine wachsenden Verpflichtungen zu bedienen—sobald Investor:innen das Fundament dieser gesamten Konstruktion in Frage stellen—wird die Fassade bröckeln.
Im Folgenden fassen wir die Kernargumente Dr. Hevers zusammen und ergänzen sie, wo sinnvoll, um Kontext. Unsere Hauptquellen sind der UN-Bericht „From Economy of Occupation to Economy of Genocide“, Recherchen von Investigate sowie die Ausführungen von Dr. Shir Hever.
Rheinmetall liefert Israel 120-mm-Präzisions-Panzergranaten, die im Bodenangriff auf Gaza umfassend eingesetzt wurden. Im November 2023 stellte Israel eine dringende Anfrage über 10.000 dieser Granaten aus Rheinmetall-Produktion. Das Unternehmen stellt zudem 155-mm-Artilleriegeschosse her, die ebenfalls zur Standardbewaffnung der israelischen Armee gehören. Menschenrechtsorganisationen dokumentierten den Einsatz von 155-mm-Granaten – darunter auch Weißphosphormunition – durch das israelische Militär in zivilen Gebieten im Gazastreifen. Die Waffen- und Munitionsverkäufe von Rheinmetall stiegen im Jahr 2024 um 58 % auf 3,26 Milliarden US-Dollar; der Gesamtumsatz des Unternehmens erreichte 11,4 Milliarden US-Dollar.
Die israelischen Streitkräfte setzten massive Artilleriebeschüsse ein, um ganze Stadtviertel dem Erdboden gleichzumachen, gefolgt von gezielter Flächenräumung zur Beseitigung von Spuren möglicher Kriegsverbrechen. Satellitenbilder und Feldberichte zeigen, dass Bodenoberflächen abgetragen, Trümmer zerstört und an unbekannte Orte verbracht wurden – wodurch forensische Beweise wie Granatsplitter, Seriennummern, Leichen und Explosionsmuster beseitigt wurden. Diese Praxis erschwert die Rückverfolgbarkeit von Rheinmetall-Munition erheblich und stellt eine Verletzung des humanitären Völkerrechts dar, einschließlich der Verpflichtung durch den Internationalen Gerichtshof, Beweise zu sichern und Völkermord zu verhindern.
Rheinmetall erhielt über 133 Millionen Euro aus dem EU-Programm „Act in Support of Ammunition Production“ (ASAP) sowie mehr als 36 Millionen Euro aus dem Europäischen Verteidigungsfonds (EDF). Von den 229 Millionen Euro, die unter ASAP vergeben wurden, entfiel fast die Hälfte auf Genehmigungen nach dem 7. Oktober 2023. Zudem kooperiert Rheinmetall mit dem israelischen Rüstungskonzern Elbit Systems bei der gemeinsamen Produktion von Haubitzen. Diese EU-Subventionen – vergeben während eines laufenden Genozids – finanzieren unmittelbar Waffen, die in Gaza eingesetzt werden, und machen sowohl Rheinmetall als auch die Europäische Union mitverantwortlich für internationale Verbrechen.
The Israeli government’s stated intent to use proceeds from its sovereign bonds to facilitate the assault on Gaza places underwriters and investors at serious risk of failing to uphold their human rights responsibilities. In June 2024, UN experts calling for a full arms embargo warned that companies and financial institutions supporting Israel’s military offensive may face repercussions for complicity in grave violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, possibly including genocide. Companies investing in or partnering with the Israeli government or state-owned enterprises face a particularly salient risk of aiding, abetting, facilitating, or otherwise contributing to genocide and other IHL violations. In this context, underwriting and purchasing Israeli “war bonds” can constitute direct material support and potential aiding and abetting of atrocity crimes.
Within this landscape, Deutsche Bank has played a significant role. While the Development Corporation for Israel (Israel Bonds) tripled annual bond sales to nearly $5 billion since October 2023, Deutsche Bank managed the sale of more than $2.49 billion in Israeli “war bonds” from October 2023 to January 2025.
Allianz sits at the center of the bond-financing channel via its U.S. asset-management subsidiary PIMCO, which purchased about $960 million—nearly $1 billion—in Israeli “war bonds” since October 7, 2023. Investigations indicate the 20 largest institutional investors have supplied over $2.7 billion through such bond purchases; alongside this, the Development Corporation for Israel (Israel Bonds) has tripled annual sales to nearly $5 billion, even offering investors the option to direct returns to charities supporting the Israeli military and colonies.
Beyond sovereign bonds, Allianz holds $469 million in private defense companies and is the only financial services provider invested in all 15 arms manufacturers documented as supplying weapons to the Israeli occupation and apartheid system—including Elbit Systems, Rheinmetall, Leonardo, Airbus, BAE Systems, General Dynamics, and Lockheed Martin—and nearly doubled these investments in 2024, during the Gaza genocide.
Heidelberg Materials AG, via its subsidiary Hanson Israel, has contributed to the pillage of millions of tons of dolomite from the Nahal Raba quarry on land seized from Palestinian villages in the West Bank. In 2018, Hanson Israel won a public tender to supply materials from that quarry for colony (settlement) construction and has since nearly exhausted the site, prompting ongoing expansion requests. The extracted resources exclusively benefit the Israeli population and construction industry—including Israeli settlement building in the occupied territories—and such settlement of Israeli civilians in occupied territory violates international law.
Die Technische Universität München (TUM) ist eine große Empfängerin von EU-Horizon-Mitteln – insgesamt 198,5 Mio. €, darunter 11,47 Mio. € für 22 Kooperationen mit israelischen Partnern, darunter Militär- und Tech-Firmen. TUM und Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) erhalten 792.795,75 € zur gemeinsamen Entwicklung von grünem Wasserstoff-Tanken – einer Technologie, die für die militärischen Drohnen von IAI, die in Gaza eingesetzt werden, relevant ist. Außerdem arbeitet TUM mit IBM Israel – dem Betreiber des diskriminierenden israelischen Bevölkerungsregisters – an Cloud- und KI-Systemen zusammen, als Teil der 7,75 Mio. €, die IBM Israel aus Horizon-Mitteln erhält.
Darüber hinaus kooperiert TUM in einem 10,76-Mio.-€-Projekt für „nahtlose geteilte urbane Mobilität“, an dem die Stadt Jerusalem beteiligt ist – eine Stadt, die die Annexion durch Verkehrsprojekte aktiv verfestigt.
Kurz nach Beginn von Israels genozidalem Krieg gegen Gaza im Oktober 2023 ging Palantir eine strategische Partnerschaft mit dem israelischen Verteidigungsministerium ein, meldete hohe Nachfrage nach neuen Tools und liefert seither mindestens vier Kernprodukte: Gotham (Datenfusion und Einsatzsteuerung für Militär/Geheimdienste/Polizei), Foundry (Planung und Logistik), GAIA (Echtzeit-Geodaten) und AIP (eine KI-Befehlsebene mit natürlicher Sprache). Palantir ist das einzige Unternehmen, das öffentlich bestätigt hat, KI für das israelische Verteidigungsministerium bereitzustellen.
Untersuchungen beschreiben eine KI-„Kill-Chain“ (Tötungskette) um Tools mit glaubwürdigen Codenamen Lavender, Where’s Daddy und Gospel, die Palantirs Fähigkeiten entsprechen. Lavender weist Personen einen 0–100-„Kämpfer“-Score zu und erzeugte Berichten zufolge einen Pool von ≈40.000 Zielpersonen; für jede als „Junior-Operative“ markierte Person wurden Angriffe mit bis zu 15–20 zivilen Opfern erlaubt, bei höheren Rängen 100+ zivile Opfer in einzelnen gezielten Tötungen. Where’s Daddy verfolgt markierte Personen, um sie in ihren Familienwohnungen zu treffen. Gospel markiert Gebäude und Infrastruktur, während LavenderPersonen markiert – zusammen ein Person-plus-Infrastruktur-Zielsystem.
In Bayern, Nordrhein-Westfalen und Hessen setzt die Polizei bereits Palantir-Software ein; in Baden-Württemberg ist eine weitere Einführung ab 2026 geplant.
„Die Frage, die Sie sich stellen sollten, lautet: Ist der Gewinn aus Waffengeschäften mit Israel das Risiko strafrechtlicher Verfolgung wert? Damit komme ich zu den praktischen Erwägungen. Jede Erwartung, dass Israel seine vertraglichen Verpflichtungen im Rahmen von Waffengeschäften einhalten wird, beruht auf dem Glauben, Israel werde für seine Verbrechen keine Rechenschaft ablegen müssen – eine unrealistische Erwartung. Jede Erwartung, dass israelische Waffen, die spezifisch als Repressionsinstrumente gegen Zivilisten entwickelt wurden, auch für Verteidigungszwecke wirksam seien, beruht auf einer unkritischen Anfälligkeit für Israels Marketingtaktiken. Jede Erwartung, dass Israel nach der Begehung von Völkermord zur Normalität zurückkehren werde – im Gegensatz zum Milosević-Regime in Serbien, zum Hutu-Regime in Ruanda oder zum Bashir-Regime im Sudan – zeugt von einer Unfähigkeit, aus der Geschichte zu lernen.“ —Dr. Shir Hever
Was die Zukunft bringt, bleibt abzuwarten. Aber die Schwere dessen, was Israel in Gaza begangen hat, bedeutet eines mit Sicherheit: Es wird keine Rückkehr zur alten „Normalität“ geben. Wie die neue „Normalität“ aussehen wird, bleibt offen.
In einem Gespräch mit Al Jazeera im Januar – wenige Tage vor Beginn einer damaligen Waffenruhe – sprach al-Ja’farawi über seine Erfahrungen als Vertriebener aus dem Norden des Gazastreifens:
„Ehrlich gesagt, ich lebte jede Sekunde in Angst – besonders nachdem ich gehört hatte, was die israelische Besatzung über mich sagte. Ich lebte von Sekunde zu Sekunde, ohne zu wissen, was die nächste bringen würde.“
Al-Ja’farawi, einer der bekanntesten jungen Journalisten Gazas, hatte über Monate hinweg die Zerstörung, den Hunger und das Leid der Zivilbevölkerung dokumentiert. Er war für viele Palästinenser eine Stimme der Standhaftigkeit – und wurde mehrfach direkt von der israelischen Armee und ihren Sprechern bedroht.
„Hamas-Influencer Saleh al-Ja’farawi, bekannt als ‚Mr. FAFO‘, in Gaza getötet.“ Laut Berichten sei al-Ja’farawi, einer der prominentesten pro-Hamas-Stimmen im Gazastreifen, mit einer Schussverletzung am Kopf aufgefunden worden.
Zudem bestätigen israelische Medien: Die Initiative, Verbindungen zu Tausenden dieser bewaffneten Clan-Mitglieder aufzubauen, begann in der südlichen Abteilung des Shin Bet und wurde von „S.“ angeführt – dem Stellvertreter des scheidenden Shin-Bet-Chefs und derzeitigen Vizedirektor der Behörde. Saleh wurde von einer solchen Miliz getötet.
Auch nach dem Waffenstillstand setzt Israel den Völkermord und die gezielte Verfolgung von Journalist:innen fort.
Salehs Tod reiht sich ein in den tödlichsten Konflikt für Journalist:innen in der Geschichte: Seit Beginn des israelischen Genozids im Oktober 2023 wurden über 270 Medienschaffende im Gazastreifen getötet.
Im Namen Gottes, des Allerbarmers, des Barmherzigen. Alles Lob gebührt Gott, dem Herrn der Welten, der spricht:
„Und halte nicht diejenigen, die auf dem Weg Gottes getötet wurden, für tot. Nein, sie sind lebendig bei ihrem Herrn und werden versorgt.“
Ich bin Saleh. Ich hinterlasse dieses Testament – nicht als Abschied, sondern als Fortsetzung eines Weges, den ich aus Überzeugung gewählt habe.
Gott weiß, dass ich all meine Kraft und Mühe gegeben habe, um eine Stütze und eine Stimme für mein Volk zu sein. Ich habe Schmerz und Unterdrückung in all ihren Formen erlebt, den Verlust von Geliebten mehrmals erfahren – und doch habe ich nie gezögert, die Wahrheit so zu zeigen, wie sie ist. Diese Wahrheit wird ein Zeugnis bleiben gegen alle, die sich abgewandt oder geschwiegen haben – und zugleich eine Ehre für alle, die geholfen, unterstützt und an der Seite der edelsten, aufrichtigsten und tapfersten Menschen standen – dem Volk von Gaza.
Wenn ich falle, dann wisst: Ich bin nicht verschwunden. Ich bin jetzt im Paradies, bei meinen Gefährten, die mich vorausgegangen sind – bei Anas, Ismail und all den Liebsten, die wahrhaftig zu ihrem Versprechen gegenüber Gott standen.
Ich empfehle euch, meiner in euren Gebeten zu gedenken und den Weg weiterzugehen, den wir begonnen haben. Erinnert euch an mich mit fortdauernden guten Taten (Ṣadaqa ǧāriya), erinnert euch an mich, wann immer ihr den Gebetsruf hört oder das Licht seht, das die Nacht von Gaza durchbricht.
Ich empfehle euch, am Widerstand festzuhalten – an dem Weg, den wir gegangen sind, und an dem Prinzip, an das wir geglaubt haben. Wir kannten für uns keinen anderen Weg, und wir fanden keinen Sinn im Leben außer darin, standhaft auf diesem Weg zu bleiben.
Ich empfehle euch, auf meinen Vater achtzugeben – mein Herz, mein Vorbild, in dem ich mich selbst sah und der sich in mir sah. Du hast mich in den Tagen des Krieges begleitet, mit all seinem Leid. Ich bitte Gott, dass wir uns im Paradies wiedersehen – und dass du dann mit mir zufrieden bist, mein Stolz und meine Krone.
Ich empfehle euch, auf meinen Bruder, Lehrer und Weggefährten Naji zu achten. Oh Naji, ich bin dir zu Gott vorausgegangen, bevor du das Gefängnis verlassen hast. Wisse, dass dies das Schicksal ist, das Gott bestimmt hat – und dass die Sehnsucht nach dir in mir wohnt. Ich hatte gehofft, dich zu sehen, dich zu umarmen, dir zu begegnen. Doch das Versprechen Gottes ist wahr – und unser Wiedersehen im Paradies ist näher, als du denkst.
Ich empfehle euch, auf meine Mutter zu achten… Oh meine Mutter, das Leben ohne dich ist nichts. Du warst das Gebet, das nie endete, und der Wunsch, der nie starb. Ich bat Gott, dich zu heilen und zu stärken. Ich träumte davon, dich gesund zurückkehren zu sehen, mit einem Lächeln auf deinem Gesicht.
Ich empfehle euch, auf meine Brüder und Schwestern zu achten. Gottes Zufriedenheit – und dann eure – war immer mein Ziel. Ich bitte Gott, euch glücklich zu machen und euer Leben so rein zu gestalten wie eure Herzen, denen ich immer Freude schenken wollte.
Ich sagte immer: Das Wort fällt nicht. Und das Bild fällt nicht. Das Wort ist ein Treuhandgut, das Bild eine Botschaft. Tragt sie in die Welt hinaus, so wie wir sie getragen haben.
Glaubt nicht, dass mein Tod ein Ende ist – es ist der Anfang eines langen Weges zur Freiheit. Ich bin ein Bote einer Botschaft, die die Welt erreichen soll – eine Welt, die ihre Augen verschließt, und jene, die über das Unrecht schweigen.
Und wenn ihr von meinem Tod hört, weint nicht um mich. Ich habe mir diesen Moment lange gewünscht und Gott gebeten, ihn mir zu gewähren. Gelobt sei Gott, der mich für das erwählt hat, was ich liebe.
Und zu allen, die mich im Leben mit Beleidigungen, Lügen oder Verleumdungen verletzt haben, sage ich: Hier gehe ich nun zu Gott, als Märtyrer – so Gott will – und bei Gott werden sich die Gegner wieder begegnen.
Ich empfehle euch, an Palästina festzuhalten – an der Al-Aqsa-Moschee. Es war mein Traum, ihren Hof zu erreichen, darin zu beten, ihren Boden zu berühren. Wenn ich sie in dieser Welt nicht erreicht habe, so bitte ich Gott, dass Er uns alle dort im Paradies vereint.
Oh Gott, nimm mich unter die Märtyrer auf, vergib mir meine früheren und späteren Sünden, und mach mein Blut zu einem Licht, das den Weg der Freiheit für mein Volk und meine Familie erhellt.
Verzeiht mir, wenn ich jemals versagt habe, und betet für mich um Barmherzigkeit und Vergebung. Denn ich bin gegangen – treu dem Versprechen, ohne zu ändern oder zu wanken.
Friede und Gottes Barmherzigkeit seien mit euch.
Euer Bruder, der Märtyrer – so Gott will – Saleh Amer Fu’ad al-Ja’farawi 12.10.2025
Die arabische Originalform von „Das Vermächtnis Saleh al-Ja’farawis“ lautets:
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم
الحمد لله رب العالمين، القائل:
“وَلَا تَحْسَبَنَّ الَّذِينَ قُتِلُوا فِي سَبِيلِ اللَّهِ أَمْوَاتًا، بَلْ أَحْيَاءٌ عِندَ رَبِّهِمْ يُرْزَقُونَ.”
أنا صالح.
أترك وصيتي هذه، لا وداعًا، بل استمرارًا لطريقٍ اخترته عن يقين.
يعلم الله أنني بذلت كل ما أملك من جهدٍ وقوة،
لأكون سندًا وصوتًا لأبناء شعبي،
عشتُ الألم والقهر بكل تفاصيله،
وذُقت الوجع وفقد الأحبة مرارًا،
ورغم ذلك لم أتوانَ يومًا عن نقل الحقيقة كما هي،
الحقيقة التي ستبقى حجة على كل من تخاذل وصمت
وأيضا شرف لكل من نصر ودعم ووقف
مع أشرف الرجال وأعز الناس وأكرمهم أهل غزة
إن استشهدت،
فاعلموا أنني لم أغب…
أنا الآن في الجنة،
مع رفاقي الذين سبقوني؛
مع أنس،
وإسماعيل،
وكل الأحبة الذين صدقوا ما عاهدوا الله عليه.
أوصيكم أن تذكروني في دعائكم،
وأن تُكملوا المسير من بعدي.
تذكروني بصدقاتٍ جارية،
واذكروني كلما سمعتم الأذان
أو رأيتم النور يشقّ ليل غزة.
أوصيكم بالمقاومة…
بالطريق الذي سرنا عليه،
وبالنهج الذي آمنا به.
فما عرفنا لأنفسنا طريقًا غيره،
ولا وجدنا معنى للحياة إلا في الثبات عليه.
اوصيكم بأبي ..
حبيب قلبي وقدوتي،
من كنت أرى نفسي فيه ويرى نفسه في ..
يا من رافقتني وقت الحرب بكل ما فيها ..
أسأل الله أن نلتقي في الجنان
وأنت راض عني يا تاج رأسي
اوصيكم بأخي ومعلمي ورفيق دربي ناجي،
يا ناجي…
قد سبقتُك إلى الله قبل أن تخرج من السجن،
فاعلم أن هذا قَدَرٌ كتبه الله،
وأن الشوق إليك يسكنني،
كنت أتمنى أن أراك،
أن أضمّك،
أن نلتقي،
لكن وعد الله حق،
ولقاؤنا في الجنة أقرب مما تظن.
اوصيكم بأمي…
يا أمي،
الحياة بدونك لا شيء.
كنتِ الدعاء الذي لا ينقطع،
والأمنية التي لا تموت.
دعوتُ الله أن يشفيك ويعافيك،
وكم حلمت أن أراكِ تسافرين للعلاج،
وتعودين مبتسمة.
اوصيكم بإخوتي وأخواتي،
رضا الله ثم رضاكم غايتي،
أسأل الله أن يسعدكم،
وأن يجعل حياتكم طيبة كقلوبكم الرقيقة
التي طالما حاولت ان اكون مصدر سعادةٍ لها.
كنتُ أقول دومًا:
لا تسقط الكلمة،
ولا تسقط الصورة.
الكلمة أمانة،
والصورة رسالة،
احملوها للعالم كما حملناها نحن.
لا تظنوا أن استشهادي نهاية،
بل هو بداية لطريقٍ طويلٍ نحو الحرية.
أنا رسول رسالةٍ أردت أن تصل إلى العالم —
إلى العالم المغمض عينيه،
وإلى الصامتين عن الحق.
وإن سمعتم بخبري،
فلا تبكوا عليّ.
لقد تمنّيتُ هذه اللحظة طويلًا،
وسألت الله أن يرزقني إياها.
فالحمد لله الذي اختارني لما أحب.
ولكل من أساء إلي في حياتي شتماً أو قذفاً كذباً وبهتاناً،
أقول لكم:
ها أنا أرحل إلى الله شهيدا بإذن الله،
وعند الله تجتمع الخصوم.
أوصيكم بفلسطين…
بالمسجد الأقصى…
كانت أمنيتي أن أصل فناءه،
أن أُصلّي فيه،
أن ألمس ترابه.
فإن لم أصل إليه في الدنيا،
فأسأل الله أن يجمعنا جميعًا عنده في جنات الخلد.
اللهم تقبّلني في الشهداء،
واغفر لي ما تقدّم من ذنبي وما تأخّر،
واجعل دمي نورًا يُضيء درب الحرية لشعبي وأهلي.
سامحوني إن قصّرت،
وادعوا لي بالرحمة والمغفرة،
فإني مضيتُ على العهد،
ولم أُغيّر ولم أُبدّل.
والسلام عليكم ورحمة الله وبركاته.
This article examines Elbit Systems through three interconnected lenses: its operational role in the occupation of Palestine, its partnerships and investments — particularly in Germany — and the growing impact of divestment campaigns and direct action by pro-Palestine activists. In doing so, it situates Elbit within the broader political economy of occupation, where military violence and corporate profit are mutually reinforcing.
From Occupation to Export
FARNBOROUGH, ENGLAND – JULY 23: A Hermes 900 Multi-role MALE UAS drone is displayed at the Elbit Systems exhibition stand during the Farnborough International Airshow 2024 at Farnborough International Exhibition and Conference Centre on July 23, 2024 in Farnborough, England. Farnborough International Airshow 2024 is host to leading innovators from the aerospace, aviation and defence industries. (Photo by John Keeble/Getty Images)
Elbit Systems Ltd., founded in 1966, is Israel’s largest private arms manufacturer and a central actor in the global defence industry. The company produces approximately 85 percent of the Israeli Defence Forces’ (IDF) land-based equipment and around 85 percent of its drones.1 This dominance has allowed Elbit to position itself as indispensable to Israel’s capacity to wage war and sustain its occupation of Palestinian territories.
Elbit’s product range covers unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), artillery systems, surveillance technologies, electronic warfare, and border monitoring infrastructure — much of which has been deployed during Israeli military operations in Gaza and across the occupied West Bank.2 These systems are often marketed as “battle-proven,” a euphemism that, in the Palestinian context, translates into “genocide-proven” — tested during operations that have caused mass civilian casualties, destruction of infrastructure, and forced displacement.3
Far from operating in isolation, Elbit is embedded in the global arms trade. The company maintains subsidiaries and joint ventures across multiple continents, including in Europe, North America, Latin America, and Asia.4 In Germany, Elbit has been involved in defence procurement, drone production, and joint research projects funded through EU frameworks, linking German state and industrial actors directly to the maintenance and expansion of Israel’s military capabilities.
In 2023, Elbit Systems secured multiple contracts across European markets, covering the PULS and ATMOS artillery systems, unmanned aerial vehicles, tank and mortar ammunition, XACT night-vision goggles, electronic warfare self-protection suites, counter-UAS systems, and other products. According to company executives, most of these systems are “highly relevant” to European defence needs and have all been “operationally proven” in the so-called Swords of Iron war (commonly referred to as the Gaza genocide). They emphasised that Elbit’s entire electronic warfare portfolio, precision-guided munitions, and unmanned systems were extensively deployed during the conflict with “very good results,” and argued that such combat use would strengthen interest from European buyers. The company noted that its sales and revenue from Europe have grown significantly in recent years.5
Additionally, Elbit Systems has benefited from significant European Union research funding through the Framework Programme 7 (2007–2013), Horizon 2020 (2014–2020), and Horizon Europe (2021–2027).6 Together, these programmes have channelled over €2.6 billion to Israeli entities, including major arms producers such as Elbit, Israel Aerospace Industries, and Rafael.7 Elbit’s involvement has included projects with German higher education institutions such as Technische Universität Braunschweig and Technische Universität Darmstadt under FP7, as well as participation in EU-funded security research initiatives focused on surveillance, border control, and law enforcement technology.8
In Germany, Elbit has been directly integrated into defense procurement and drone production, as well as joint research and development, connecting German state and industrial entities to the reinforcement of Israel’s military capabilities. Elbit won a $57 million contract to supply PULS rocket-launcher artillery systems to the German Armed Forces in collaboration with KNDS Deutschland, and has also secured a $260 million deal to provide DIRCM self-protection systems (J-MUSIC) for Germany’s Airbus A400M transport planes.910 Additionally, in a less formal but strategically aligned move, Lufthansa Technik has entered into a memorandum of understanding with Elbit Systems to deliver and maintain Hermes 900 Starliner military drones for the German Navy.11
Elbit Systems in the Occupation of Palestine
Pro-Palestinian activists protest against the International Armoured Vehicles Conference (IAVC) and the International Military Helicopter (IMH) Conference being held at Twickenham Stadium on 22nd January 2024 in Twickenham, United Kingdom. IAVC is currently taking place at the stadium and IMH is scheduled to take place in February. The events are attended by representatives of companies which supply weapons and military technology to Israel used against the Palestinians. (photo by Mark Kerrison/In Pictures via Getty Images)
Elbit’s dominant position was cemented in 2018 with the acquisition of Israeli Military Industries (IMI Systems), expanding its munitions, artillery, and electronic warfare capabilities.12 Ranked among the world’s largest arms companies, Elbit has a global footprint with subsidiaries and contracts in more than 50 countries — but its core business remains tied to the Israeli military and the occupation of Palestinian territories.13
Gaza: From “Battle-Proven” to “Genocide-Proven”
TOPSHOT – Scores of displaced Palestinians walk along a road in the Saftawi area of Jabalia, as they leave areas near Gaza City where they had taken refuge, toward the further northern part of the Gaza Strip, on January 19, 2025, shortly after a ceasefire deal in the war between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas was expected to be implemented. The long-awaited ceasefire in the Israel-Hamas war was delayed January 19 after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said at the last minute that it would not take effect until the Palestinian militant group provided a list of the hostages to be released. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP) (Photo by OMAR AL-QATTAA/AFP via Getty Images)
Elbit weapons and surveillance systems have been deployed in every major Israeli assault on Gaza since at least 2008–2009 Operation Cast Lead), including Operation Protective Edge (2014), Operation Guardian of the Walls (2021), Operation Breaking Dawn (2022), and Operation Swords of Iron (2023–24).14 These campaigns have resulted in tens of thousands of Palestinian deaths — the majority civilians — and have been documented by UN bodies and human rights organisations as war crimes and, in the most recent case, the so called Operation Swords of Iron is a „possible“ genocide.15
A core feature of Elbit’s marketing strategy is to present its weapons as “combat-proven.” In the Palestinian context, this means “tested” during operations that deliberately target civilian infrastructure. Examples include the MPR 500 multi-purpose bomb, designed for “densely populated urban warfare” and used during assaults on Gaza,16 and the Hermes 450 and Hermes 900 drones, which make up the bulk of Israel’s UAV fleet. These drones are marketed internationally after repeated use in surveillance and targeted strikes in Gaza, including the April 2024 killing of seven World Central Kitchen aid workers in Deir al-Balah.17 In 2014, a Hermes 450 drone strike killed four children playing on a Gaza beach.18
World Central Kitchen cars were targeted in separate strikes: Al Jazeera Sanad probe
Elbit’s own corporate disclosures confirm that these assaults are not only facilitated by its technologies but also drive its business growth. In its 2024 year-end statement, the company reported a “material increased demand” for its products from the Israeli Ministry of Defense following the launch of Operation Swords of Iron in October 2023.19 Over the course of the year, Elbit secured contracts worth over $5 billion from the ministry, a dramatic rise compared to pre-war demand. The company explicitly acknowledged that continued military operations could generate “material additional orders,” tying its future revenues directly to the prolongation of the assault on Gaza.
To meet wartime demand, Elbit scaled up production, relocated manufacturing lines from areas under missile attack, recruited additional employees, and increased inventories.20 While these measures were presented as “support” for the Israeli military, they demonstrate the company’s active role in sustaining the assault through rapid delivery of weapons and surveillance systems. By integrating the war effort into its global operations — which continued largely uninterrupted — Elbit transformed the destruction of Gaza into shareholder value. This self-reported connection between military operations and profit underscores the company’s direct culpability in a campaign widely documented as involving well documented war crimes and genocide.
West Bank: Surveillance and Control
WEST BANK – NOVEMBER 10: View of a concrete security wall in Kalandia separating the West Bank city near Ramalla from East Jerusalem November 10, 2004. The huge concrete barrier Israel is putting up between Palestinian territories and Israel has split families that own property on both sides of the wall, in two. Israel says the barrier is necessary to stop suicide bombers while Palestinians call it a land grab. Ariel Sharon’s government plans to keep on building the barrier. (Photo by Shaul Schwarz/ Getty Images)
Elbit has been the primary provider of electronic detection systems and related surveillance technologies for Israel’s “smart walls,” as well as supplying technology for military checkpoints and armed ground vehicles used to patrol and control borders.21 Its involvement in Israel’s border surveillance industry dates back to 2002, when its subsidiary Ortek was awarded a $5 million contract to build a “smart” electronic barrier around part of Jerusalem, cutting off Palestinian residents from the rest of the West Bank. In 2006, Ortek received a further $17 million to deploy an electronic deterrence system — consisting of an electronic fence, communications systems, and computerised command and control posts — along segments of the separation wall.22
Elbit was also the main contractor for the “smart” sensors installed on Israel’s wall around the Gaza Strip, and in 2021 led the completion of an underground “smart wall” made up of hundreds of surveillance cameras, radars, and motion sensors.23 This project, begun in 2017, combined high-tech surveillance with physical fortification: 20-foot-tall aboveground barriers and reinforced slabs extending 130 feet underground. In addition, Elbit develops unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs) for border surveillance. In 2016, it introduced the Border Protector UGV — a Ford F-350 pickup equipped with autonomous driving technology and surveillance cameras — which was deployed along the Gaza border, replacing the earlier Guardium UGV co-developed with Israel Aerospace Industries.24 In 2022, Elbit unveiled the Medium Robotic Combat Vehicle (M-RCV), an armed robotic platform equipped with a gun turret, anti-tank missile launchers, and the capacity to deploy surveillance drones. Like its predecessors, it is expected to be deployed along Israel’s borders, including those with Gaza and the West Bank.25
Displacement and Militarised Land Grabs
NEGEV, ISRAEL – MAY 08: Israeli forces demolish 47 homes with heavy machines claiming they are ‚unlicensed‘ and leaving nearly 500 Bedoin Palestinians homeless at Nahal Hevron near Umm Batin village of Negev Desert, Israel on May 08, 2024. (Photo by Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu via Getty Images)
Elbit’s industrial expansion also contributes to the forced displacement of Palestinians. The relocation of the IMI Ramat HaSharon plant to Ramat Beka in the Naqab/Negev — part of a larger military-industrial zone plan — is expected to forcibly displace 36,000 Palestinian Bedouins, demolish over 2,000 buildings, and expose communities to long-term health risks.26
By embedding its products in both aerial warfare and systems of ground control, Elbit Systems has transformed the occupation itself into a proving ground for weapons — a process through which “battle-proven” becomes “genocide-proven.” This operational history has become a key selling point in the global arms market, sustaining Elbit’s growth while deepening the structures of Israel’s military rule over Palestinians.
German Partners in Genocide
TOPSHOT – People look at the Brandenburg Gate with the Israeli flag projected onto in Berlin, on January 9, 2017. (Photo by Odd ANDERSEN / AFP) (Photo by ODD ANDERSEN/AFP via Getty Images)
Elbit Systems maintains a direct corporate presence in Germany through its subsidiary Elbit Systems Deutschland GmbH & Co. KG, headquartered in Ulm, Baden-Württemberg. This facility develops and produces electronic warfare systems, secure communication technologies, night vision equipment, and other military-grade components for the Bundeswehr and NATO partners.27 The Ulm site embeds Elbit into the German defence industrial base, granting it access to local supply chains, research institutions, and European defence procurement networks.
PLEASE WRITE US TO ADD FURTHER PARTNERS AND PRESSURE TARGETS!
Telefunken – Elbit’s Ulm base was established through its 2011 acquisition of Telefunken Radio Communication Systems. Telefunken’s history includes supplying communications infrastructure during the Herero and Nama genocide in German South West Africa28 and producing military radios under the Nazi slogan “Ganz Deutschland hört den Führer mit dem Volksempfänger” (“All of Germany listens to the Führer with the Volksempfänger”).29 Its absorption into Elbit ties these legacies of state violence to present-day military occupation technologies.
1936 poster: „All of Germany Listens to the Führer with the People’s Radio.“ The poster depicts a crowd surrounding a radio. The radio looms large, symbolizing the mass appeal and broad audience for Nazi broadcasts. Bundesarchiv Koblenz (Plak003-022-025)30
Rheinmetall – Germany’s largest arms manufacturer — has collaborated with Elbit Systems on multiple projects, including the development and marketing of artillery and rocket systems such as the PULS (Precise & Universal Launching System) for European markets. This partnership integrates Elbit’s rocket artillery technology into Rheinmetall’s production and sales networks, directly linking the German arms industry to weapons systems tested and deployed by Israel in Gaza and the West Bank.31
Allianz – Allianz provides insurance coverage to Israeli arms manufacturers including Elbit, enabling production continuity during wartime and reducing operational risk.32
Jobrad – JobRad offers bicycle-leasing benefits to employees of Elbit Systems Deutschland, reflecting the company’s integration into German corporate networks.33
Northrop Grumman – Works with Elbit on advanced targeting systems, electronic warfare packages, and helmet-mounted display technology, with German aerospace programs benefiting indirectly through NATO-aligned contracts and Eurofighter upgrades.34
Horizon EU Funding – Through the EU’s Framework Programmes for Research and Innovation — specifically FP7, Horizon 2020, and Horizon Europe — Israeli entities, including Elbit Systems, have collectively received over €2.6 billion between 2007 and 2023, despite repeated calls from civil society to exclude Israeli military companies from these programmes due to their role in human rights violations in Palestine.35
Airbus – Airbus has partnered with Elbit Systems on military technology projects, including UAV integration and avionics systems, thereby embedding Elbit’s combat-tested technology into European aerospace production.36
Lufthansa – Lufthansa Technik, the maintenance arm of Lufthansa, is cooperating with Elbit Systems on a German Navy drone project involving up to eight Hermes 900 drones. The subsidiary is responsible for maintenance, repairs, and personnel training — a collaboration that indirectly legitimises a company central to Israel’s military operations in Gaza and the West Bank.37
Activism, Divestments and Challenges
European financial and institutional actors have not withdrawn from Elbit Systems out of goodwill or corporate conscience, but as a result of years of sustained grassroots pressure. Persistent campaigns, public shaming, shareholder interventions, and direct actions, have forced banks, pension funds, and other institutions in Germany, Europe, and beyond to confront their complicity in Elbit’s role in the occupation and genocide of Palestinians. These divestment decisions are less acts of moral awakening than reluctant concessions to organised resistance.
Activism
BDS and Civil Society Mobilisation – The global Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement has consistently named Elbit as a top target, exposing its role in Israel’s war crimes and pushing institutions to sever ties.
Palestine Action and Direct Disruption – In the UK, the “Shut Elbit Down” campaign — spearheaded by Palestine Action — has used sustained direct action, including blockades, rooftop occupations, and factory shutdowns, to physically disrupt Elbit’s operations and make its name synonymous with war profiteering. These tactics have inspired similar actions across Europe.
Shut Elbit Down in Ulm – Activists blockade Elbit Systems’ facility in Ulm as part of the Shut Elbit Down campaign, demanding the closure of all company sites in Germany over its role in genocide and apartheid. Protesters pointed to Ulm’s historical link to the White Rose resistance, urging the city to oppose hosting a “genocidal factory,” and cited UK campaigns that have already forced the closure of three Elbit sites.38
Blockade vor dem Standort der israelischen Rüstungsfirma Elbit Systems am Freitag in Ulm39
Through relentless organising, campaigners have raised the political cost of doing business with Elbit. Each divestment or contract cancellation is not a voluntary gesture, but the outcome of a public pressure campaign that refuses to let institutions hide their complicity.
Divestments
AXA – The French insurance giant fully divested from Elbit Systems by the end of 2019, following years of BDS-led campaigning, and removed investments from multiple Israeli banks by mid‑2024.40
iO Associates – A UK-based recruitment agency ended its cooperation with Elbit amid direct-action and campaign pressure.41
LaSalle Investment Management – Manager of the Shenstone UAV factory property in the UK, which terminated its lease with Elbit following protests and site disruptions.42
Deutsche Bank – In 2010, Germany’s largest bank officially announced the divestment of its approximately 2% holdings in Elbit Systems after sustained pressure from German human rights groups; although claims were mixed on whether those holdings were client-managed or proprietary, it set an important precedent.43
Challenges
In Germany, movement strategies targeting Elbit Systems face a uniquely complex political and cultural landscape:
BDS and Accusations of Antisemitism: In 2019, the Bundestag passed a non-binding resolution declaring the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement antisemitic.44 While this decision remains symbolic, it has been widely used by public institutions—universities, cultural venues, and city councils—to block funding, cancel events, and disinvite speakers associated with BDS.45 This institutionalization of antisemitism conflates legitimate human rights advocacy with hate speech, making public support for divestment campaigns politically risky.
Protesters stage a demonstration outside Germany’s Representative Office in Ramallah in the Palestinian West Bank on May 22, 2019, following the Bundestag’s (German parliament) condemnation of the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement as anti-Semitic. – Germany’s parliament condemned on May 17 the movement that demands a boycott of Israel as anti-Semitic, warning that its actions were reminiscent of the Nazis‘ campaign against Jews. (Photo by – / AFP) (Photo credit should read -/AFP via Getty Images)
Staatsräson and Historical Memory: The notion of Staatsräson—a constitutional-level commitment to Israel grounded in Germany’s Holocaust legacy—remains a foundational element of German foreign policy. From Angela Merkel’s affirmation to Olaf Scholz’s declaration that “Israel’s security is German Staatsräson,” this principle frequently overrides critical debate and reaffirms Israel as a perpetual ally.46 This narrative complicates activism by morally framing any criticism of Israeli policy as a challenge to German national identity and memory.
„Memory Culture“ as a Political Shield: Germany’s remembrance culture, with its innumerable memorials and educational initiatives, has become largely performative. Recent scholarship argues that it often serves to suppress contemporary critique of Israel, positioning any dissent as a betrayal of historical responsibility.47 Critics warn that such invocation of memory functions as a „manufactured unquestionability,“ effectively foreclosing meaningful dialogue and insulating policies and corporate actors—including Elbit and its German partners—from public scrutiny
Closing Words: Expanding the Struggle
The campaign against Elbit Systems in Germany is part of a growing international movement that recognises arms companies as central actors in the machinery of occupation and genocide. While direct actions, blockades, and public awareness campaigns have already put Elbit on the defensive, the next stage of activism must deepen roots in sectors with real economic leverage — especially organised labour. 48 German trade unions hold significant sway over procurement decisions, pension fund investments, and workplace policies that connect directly to Elbit’s German partners and supply chains. 49
Union-led campaigns could use existing frameworks for ethical procurement and socially responsible investment to push institutions, from municipalities to public banks, to sever ties with Elbit and similar companies.50 Linking the fight against the genocide in Gaza to the defence of workers’ rights in Germany not only widens the base of support but also reframes anti-militarism as a shared economic and moral cause.51
In this sense, the struggle against Elbit is not an isolated campaign, but part of a larger project: dismantling the economic, political, and ideological networks that sustain militarism, colonialism, and apartheid. From Ulm’s industrial zones to Germany’s boardrooms, and from European research funding programmes to the battlefields of Gaza, the challenge is the same — breaking the ties that make genocide profitable. The task ahead for activists in Germany is to continue building the coalitions that can achieve this: uniting Palestine solidarity groups, climate justice movements, and labour unions in a shared commitment to shut down the war machine at its source.
General Manager of Elbit Systems ISTAR & EW Division, Oren Sabag: „We’re honored to continue providing the IDF with our advanced self-protection and DIRCM solutions that enhance both safety and operational capabilities of their Black Hawk and Apache helicopters. Our track record of successful implementations worldwide demonstrates these systems‘ maturity and battlefield effectiveness. This contract further strengthens our strategic partnership with the Ministry of Defense and the IDF. It reflects our ongoing commitment to delivering technology that provides the highest level of protection for aircrews operating in hostile environments.“ https://www.linkedin.com/posts/israelimod_israel-mod-awards-55m-contract-to-elbit-activity-7330194304629403648-YUG-↩︎
Corporate Watch, Elbit Systems Company Profile, 2017 ↩︎
In 2023, Elbit secured contracts in the European markets for the PULS and ATMOS (Autonomous Truck Mounted Howitzer System), UAVs, tank ammunitions and mortar munitions, Xact goggles, EW self-protection suites, counter-UAS solutions, and more. „Most of our solutions are highly relevant to Europe and are operationally proven,“ Kril explained. „Our entire Electronic Warfare portfolio, precision guided munitions, unmanned systems, all of them have fully been operated substantially in the Iron Swords war (between Israel and Hamas) and demonstrated very good results. These are examples of products that we assume that the European market would be interested in as we have already sold these systems to many European countries and Elbit’s participation, revenue wise, has increased in the last couple of years.“ https://www.elbitsystems.com/blog/accelerating-operations-europe↩︎
The Israel Defense Force has an answer to the shelling yesterday that killed four children near the Gaza City port. At a media briefing yesterday, an IDF official reportedly said the attack had targeted an “identified Hamas structure,” and that Israeli forces had misidentified the boys as “fleeing fighters.” https://www.hrw.org/news/2014/07/17/dispatches-explaining-four-dead-boys-gaza-beach↩︎
The starting point is the history, largely unknown today, of the wireless radio link established by Telefunken in the German Reich between 1910 and 1914 between the large transmitter station Nauen (Brandenburg) via Kamina (Togo) to Windhoek (Namibia) and the use of radio technology in the genocide against the Herero and Nama in 1904. https://akono.de/product/from-windhoek-to-kamina-to-nauen-a-workbook-diverse-autorinnen-dt-eng-fr/↩︎
Rheinmetall and Elbit signed a cooperation agreement last year to develop, manufacture and market an automated European version, the companies said. The team is led by Rheinmetall Landsysteme GmbH. The companies showcased the system to other potential buyers and said that the UK’s Mobile Fires Platform program also remains a focus, and other would-be customers, such as Hungary, have expressed interest. https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2023/05/18/israels-elbit-looks-to-cash-in-on-european-artillery-appetites/↩︎
Zudem haben Sie die Möglichkeit, Ihr persönliches Wunsch-JobRad – mit oder ohne elektrischem Antrieb – bequem und günstig über uns zu beziehen. https://elbitsystems-de.com/karriere/↩︎
Deutsche Bank announces divestment from Israeli arms manufacturer Elbit Systems after campaign from German human rights organisations. Elbit Systems supplies Israeli military and provides components for Apartheid Wall ruled illegal by International Court of Justice. Deutsche Bank’s divestment follows similar steps by banks and pension funds in three Scandinavian countries. https://www.banktrack.org/news/deutsche_bank_announces_divestment_from_elbit↩︎
Wikipedia, Anti-BDS laws in Germany, accessed 2025. 74. The New Yorker, “In the Shadow of the Holocaust,” 2024. 75. Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi), “Germany must revisit its relationship with Israel,” June 2025. ↩︎
Wikipedia, Anti-antisemitism in Germany, accessed 2025. ↩︎
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