first thesis
Society as we know it is not natural, or inevitable. Capitalism presents its institutions, its habits, its hierarchies and its values as common sense — as if competition, alienation, and market dependence were in human nature.
Our critique begins by refusing what power calls natural. Who benefits when a structure becomes too natural to question?
second thesis
The problem is not every hierarchy, difference, or asymmetry. The problem is domination. Human beings will always live with differences in knowledge, responsibility, experience, and dependency. The question is whether those differences harden into unaccountable power — whether they turn into fixed roles, become insulated from challenge, and are accepted, consciously or unconsciously, without dialogue, consent, or the possibility of transformation.
No hierarchy is permanent. A hierarchy becomes oppressive when it cannot be questioned, when criticism is unsafe, and when those inside it cannot reshape it.
third thesis
What appears natural in social life is power that has been normalized. Patriarchy, whiteness, Zionism, colonialism, market forces, heteronormativity, adult authority over children, the capitalist family form — none of these are natural. They are social relations reproduced through markets, ideology, force, and repetition until they appear self-evident. One of the oldest tricks of domination is to turn power into nature.
What Marx did was identify economic relationships structured in dominance. Our task is to remain vigilant — to see what other relationships are similarly structured in dominance, and to ask how and why they have been normalized. Why do we accept them? What power stands behind them? Our politics begins by questioning all that is perceived as natural, and answering whether it allows us to flourish.
fourth thesis
Colonialism does not end with decolonization. It reorganizes — into racial regimes, deportation policies, uneven development, the global division of labor. Patriarchy does not end with suffrage. It reorganizes — into the distribution of care, the control of reproductive life, the devaluation of the feminine.
Zionism, colonialism, and patriarchy continue to structure who is heard, who is valued, who is remembered, and who is disposable.
Those who carry colonial violence, Zionist violence, and patriarchal violence in their bodies and histories are not objects of our solidarity. They are sources of political knowledge. A politics that speaks about the oppressed rather than from them has already reproduced what it claims to oppose.
fifth thesis
Community building is as much deconstruction as construction. It is not only the work of creating new networks, bonds, and institutions. It is also the work of dismantling inherited assumptions, unlearning capitalist habits, and taking a hard look at ourselves — our relationship with time, money, and each other.
We build community not because we have a finished model but because we know this society is deeply broken. Figuring out what works is itself a collective creative process — experiment, reflection, failure, revision.
Disappointment is part of this process. Defeat too. If it were easy, we would have succeeded a long time ago.
sixth thesis
Our project has no blueprint, no doctrine, no manifesto by a vanguard. It is a continuous practice of collective experimentation, mutual learning, and permanent criticism of domination. No book, theory, leader, party, or tradition can substitute for the difficult work of living together, resolving conflict, sharing power, and learning from failure.
To reject dogmatism is not to reject theory. It is to insist that theory must remain answerable to experience. We must learn from each other, from indigenous communities, from workers, from every group trying to build something beyond capitalism — even those whose politics differ from ours. Within the Left, we are not competing with each other. We are all against the same system.
Our project fails when it becomes encoded into text, when it does not flow from the heart into the lip. It succeeds when it becomes common sense.
seventh thesis
Liberation cannot be reduced to production, wages, class, or the state. The struggle is about care, emotion, intimacy, desire, and the forms of relation through which people sustain one another.
Care work is not secondary to politics. It is foundational to society itself. Without care work, we have nothing. Not families, not movements, not communities, not life. Any politics of liberation that does not place care work at its center is doomed to fail.
eighth thesis
Capitalism survives not only by organizing labor and property but by shaping feeling, desire, isolation, and possibility. It produces a worker subject — trained into urgency, exhaustion, competition, emotional repression, self-interested calculation. It teaches us to value what grows quickly and dismiss what grows slowly. It teaches us that if we don’t capitalize, our neighbor will. This is not mentally or physically healthy. We know this.
Resistance must happen at the level of care, emotion, and imagination — otherwise we reproduce the world we say we oppose. A non-capitalist society requires non-capitalist ways of becoming. Trust takes time. Healing takes time. Political maturity takes time.
ninth thesis
Capitalism assumes that people are isolated individuals acting rationally in their self-interest, that little mutual aid happens between them, and that market signals are the only way to communicate needs and wants. This is not in any way a society anyone should find appealing.
Against this, our practice must create another relationship to each other, another relationship to time, another relationship to feeling, another relationship to money, and another image of the human.
Rejecting the principles of capitalism means rejecting the reduction of everything to pure reason. We are human beings. We cannot separate our emotions from ourselves. Emotion is not opposed to reason. It is part of how human beings register injustice, attachment, fear, solidarity, and hope. Emotions are reasonable.
tenth thesis
Emotion, imagination, and art are not outside political life. They are the languages of liberation. They are material forces for change. They shape whether people can survive, cooperate, and fight.
Capitalism makes money the universal language of value. Art, dream, and creation help us express alienation, remember, and imagine a life beyond capitalism. The poets are the leaders of the revolution. The musicians. The dreamers.
Ours is a revolution into creativity. Community building is itself an act of creation. A revolution is not only resistance but the creation of something new.
eleventh thesis
The Left matters only if it becomes rooted in society — rooted among those most abandoned by it, and on the front lines. A politics that cannot be used by workers, parents, migrants, disabled people, undocumented people, the homeless, the mentally or emotionally distressed, or people with little theoretical background, has already reproduced exclusion within its own spaces.
Radical politics must be judged by whether people can actually enter it, breathe in it, and transform it. Not by whether its theory is correct.
twelfth thesis
Grassroots solidarity is where we put our imagination to the test. We must build from below, with those whom capitalism and the state reject, and provide what the state refuses to provide.
Through this work, movements become credible — not only as critics of the present but as builders of another future. Through solidarity we win the hearts. Through our relentless thirst for knowledge, we win the minds.
A Left that remains socially marginal or sectarian cannot win trust. A Left rooted in mutual aid and practical care can begin to speak to the masses without abandoning its principles.
thirteenth thesis
Everyday life is already political. The family, the WG, friendship, intimate relationships, our organizing, our workplaces — none of this is outside politics. These are places where domination is reproduced and where liberation can be practiced.
Let us not imagine we are utopians. Communal living is not a distant utopia to be installed after some final rupture. It is a way of living that must transform all the structures we inhabit now — not only in autonomous spaces, but in every room we enter.
Our politics become real when they change all the social relations we live in. Changing society as a whole requires that we ourselves change.
fourteenth thesis
Our task is not only to say no to capitalism but to make a believable alternative thinkable. If our politics remains only criticism, it will remain abstract. We must be able to show what it positively means: accountable structures, challengeable hierarchy, mutual aid, care, shared power, emotional honesty, creativity, a community in which people can flourish.
We are still small movements, on the fringes of society. But the crisis of capitalism will push many people to question what they once accepted as natural. We must be able to appeal to them — not by abandoning our principles but by showing that our principles are apt to build a better society for all.
A movement grows when it offers not only a critique but a practiced alternative.
fifteenth thesis
A liberated society will not be pure, settled, or free from struggle. Community is not only warmth, belonging, and solidarity. It is also disappointment, disagreement, burnout, frustration and jealousy.
The point is not to eliminate conflict but to create forms of organization that can move through conflict without solidifying into domination. Every structure must stay revisable, every role challengeable, every hierarchy reversible. We must fight for a world where the last become first — continuously.
Hierarchies will arise, sometimes unintentionally. They must be continuously questioned. Freedom is never really won. You earn it and win it in every generation.
sixteenth thesis
Everyone is an intellectual, especially those excluded by society. Political intelligence is not owned by academics, organizers, or the already articulate. Those most wounded by this society often understand it with a clarity that respectable discourse tries to suppress. Especially the madman. It is only an act of madness to take down the pure reason of capital.
We must be careful never to place ourselves above others.
seventeenth thesis
Love and imagination are not secondary to politics. They are its deepest revolutionary forces. Capitalism depends on alienation, cynicism, and the shrinking of possibility. Love becomes political because it binds people beyond money and market. Imagination becomes political because it opens the world beyond what presently exists.
No god, no prophet, no manifesto, no doctrine will save us. We must trust our collective capacity to create, care, question, and build,
tadamun 
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